Paper short abstract:

The Nepali state reached agreements with around two dozen agitating groups from 2007 to 2012. The focus of this paper is on those agreements and their subsequent executions or lack thereof. The paper comments on the particularities of both the movements and the Nepali state during those five years.

Paper long abstract:

Following the success of the2006 popular movement in Nepal, there was a rise in the number of successful social movements—successful in that they were able to force the state to respond as well as agree to their principal demands. Starting with the Madhesi movement in early 2007, the Nepali state reached agreements/understandings with around two dozen agitating groups by May 2012. The focus of this paper is on those agreements/understandings, and their subsequent executions or lack thereof. Through this focus, the paper attempts to comment on the particularities of both the movements and the Nepali state during those five years. First I will show that these movements have largely followed a similar trajectory before concluding with an agreement with the state. In so doing, they have entrenched a particular template of a 'successful' movement, thus contributing to the homogenization of movement dynamics in Nepal. Second, I look at the performance of the Nepali state as it entered into various understandings/agreements with the different movements. One common principal demand of all movements was "recognition". In looking at the various agreements as evidence of state recognition, it would be tempting to show that by agreeing even to mutually exclusive demands, the Nepali state was a particularly weak one during this phase. Instead I argue that the agreements that it entered into show that the Nepali state during this period was neither weak nor strong but rather a particularly 'clever' one, performing its job according to the demands of the day.

Paper short abstract:

In this paper, I explore the construction of what has been discussed as "politics" by anthropologists, among people of Byans, far western Nepal, from early 1990s onwards, focusing on the gap between institutionalized party politics and intra-Rang decision-making processes.

Paper long abstract:

In this paper, I explore the construction of what has been discussed as "politics" by sociocultural anthropologists, among people of Byans, Far Western Nepal, from early 1990s onwards. The vast majority of inhabitants in Byans are Rang (Byansi), officially recognized as an Adivasi Janajati (Indigenous Nationality) of Nepal. Rang villagers often use the word rajniti, the Nepali equivalent of "politics," to mean only institutionalized party politics. "Go to rajniti" often means to be a politician or to utilize a political party channel to gain something from outside institutions. There have been supporters of major political parties except Madhesi parties. Intra-village and inter-village Rang issues, on the other hand, have been discussed and decided largely by meetings and informal negotiations among some influential male villagers, from traditional village headman, major politicians from various parties, and other knowledgeable males. Females have had their own organizations and have distinctive and sometimes decisive voices in the decision-making process. And all-villagers meetings are carried out to decide important issues. Here I first explore how they have managed to keep these two domains distinct, though interconnected ones, from the early years of multiparty Prajatantra, through the People's War/Maoist insurgency period, to the post-conflict period, without letting their villages divided by several antagonistic factions, each of which is connected with a political party. I then discuss how individual villagers in Byans participate in these two different but interrelated arenas differently.

Paper short abstract:

This paper examines dynamic State and Park resident relationships through the various “eras” of its modern history.

Paper long abstract:

Scholarly work has increasingly argued that the centralization of the State's involvement in land management matters has seriously violated local communities' right to access livelihood resources. Using my anthropological study of indigenous Rana Tharus in Shuklaphanta Wildlife Reserve in Nepal, I contextualize that the State, in establishing Shuklaphanta, has increased its control over local resources. However, for the Ranas　Tharus the Park means their loss of customary right to freely access resources. The policy that exists now is that previous common forest of Shuklaphanta is now owned by the State and Ranas' use of natural resources must be endorsed by the State.

The Shuklaphanta case also shows that after the downfall of monarchy in 2006, the State and park resident relationships have turned to be more complex. Strict park management policies imposed by the state have further accelerated the local communities' negative attitudes toward the park. On the other hand side, influenced by the political parties, the locals have now reoccupied the extension areas of the Shuklaphanta for land compensation demand. This paper examines these dynamic State and Park resident relationships through the various "eras" of its modern history. I discuss how the Shuklaphanta has become a contested place and the implications of changes in regard to the every day of people.

Paper short abstract:

This paper describes the changes of the subjectivities among the Chepangs in Nepal as consequences of their active involvements of the new nation building and democratic discourses. It shows the involvement has led the changes of the basis and the concept of the social categories in the Chepangs.

Paper long abstract:

The Chepangs, an indigenous people who have been a target of development in Nepal, often speak in recent years that they have improved their life. In the mean time, such a narrative of "Chepang society has drastically changed by influences of the development aids and the Christianity" becomes widely prevalent in Nepal. Though the external influences on Chepang society is undeniable, putting too much regard on the influences result obscuring their subjectivities for improving or changing.

This paper tries to describe the changes of their subjectivities, the qualities of subject's perspective and desires, as a consequence of their active involvement of the new nation building and democratic discourses after the Panchayat system, "a democracy under the king's control," introduced. It shows the involvement has led the changes of the basis and the concept of the social categories such as the young or the old among the Chepangs. This paper also discusses the ground that allowed people of the Chepangs to change their society or to convert so drastically and remarkably compared with the surrounding ethnic groups.

Paper short abstract:

This paper discusses a form of society envisioned by emigrants in their quest for multiple citizenship in their country of origin. As an example of such a quest I take the campaign by the NRNA calling for legislation allowing multiple citizenship in Nepal, and examine its ideology and activities.

Paper long abstract:

Multiple citizenship/nationality is one of the most useful means of (re)integrating emigrants/immigrants into migrant sending/receiving countries. However, multiple citizenship/nationality is not automatically realized, but is negotiated. The negotiation redefines citizenship, yields new practices and leads to social restructuring. In the case of Nepal, negotiations around multiple citizenship started in 2003 with the campaign of an emigrants' association (the NRNA) for multiple citizenship legalization. The campaign has become a nationalistic project motivated by long-distance nationalism. However, due to political turbulence and a delay in promulgation of the new constitution, emigrants have been waiting for legislation for more than ten years. Meanwhile discussions inside the NRNA, and its negotiations with the Nepalese government, political parties, business communities and NGOs have been constructing Nepalese citizenship. A new category, "non-resident Nepalis (NRNs)", was introduced, describing a group classed between denizens and resident citizens, i.e. Nepalese-origin foreign citizens, and non-resident Nepalese citizens. The NRNA declares that NRNs will offer their knowledge, skills and capital which they have earned in their resident countries (mainly non-South Asian countries) in the form of donations and investment for the cause of nation building. In return for this contribution towards Nepal, the NRNA is demanding that those who emigrated from Nepal after the 1960s, and their descendants, should be given the status of citizens. The society which the NRNA's transnational quest envisions is a durable deterritorialized nation-state which is resourced by emigrants' transnational ties and vitalized by emigrants' sense of civic duty and rights.

Paper short abstract:

Foreign labour migration continues to rise in Nepal affecting the lives and livings of many people. Drawing on ethnographic research with the Dalit, I explore how Dalits have used their agency to contest caste institutions by mobilizing financial and social remittances accumulated through migration.

Paper long abstract:

Foreign labour migration continues to rise in Nepal affecting the lives and livings of many people. In this article, I draw on ethnographic research with the Dalit, a subaltern group adversely incorporated into a caste hierarchy, to examine the role of foreign labour migration in altering migrants' economic and cultural space in their places of origin. In particular, I explore how Dalits have used their agency to contest caste institutions by mobilizing financial and social remittances accumulated through migration. Despite the hardship that migrant workers face abroad, Dalits have endured it to transform social relations at their place of origin and create a dignified identity. I argue that such changes could have hardly been seen before our eyes for many Dalits had there not been enthnoscapes created by globalization, and if it was denied because of their low caste status. Many of the existing migration studies analyse the economic side of migration with little attention to the social and cultural dimension. This article seeks to complement these analyses by showing how Dalits repudiate caste relations that have perpetuated discrimination and exploitation. I challenge, if only modestly, the assertion that Dalits accept their subordination and degradation.

Paper short abstract:

It has been years since the outcry for “inclusion” became the feature of discourse on “New Nepal”. This presentation explores some of the barriers which make it difficult for women in Nepal to participate in public arenas, especially those that women face when they venture into public space.

Paper long abstract:

It has been years since the outcry for "inclusion" became the feature of discourse on "New Nepal" to be achieved through the ongoing state-restructuring process. The arguments on "inclusion" have been mostly revolved around the ratio of representation in political, administrate, educational, economic, and other arenas of Nepali society by various population groups based on such identities as caste, ethnicity, area of origin or gender. While the balanced representation of various groups in various aspects of public life is certainly important, to realize truly inclusive society, there obviously are efforts to be made other than number-crunching practice. For example, issues around identifying and removing the barriers, physical or otherwise, which make some population groups' substantial participation into public arenas difficult, should also be properly addressed.

This presentation tries to put under scrutiny some of the barriers which make it difficult for women in Nepal to participate in public arenas out of the place where they have been generally/ traditionally supposed to belong: home. Among others, the discussion will focus on the kind of obstacles which effect exclusionary powers against women when they actually venture into public space. Mainly based on the interviews of working women on their work and lives conducted in Kathmandu in 2011-12 by the author, physical, social, or cultural barriers women face when they go out of house, how they react against or negotiate them, as well as what it takes to remove those barriers, will be explored.

Paper short abstract:

Politics in Nepal since the 1990s has been characterized by growing demands for rights and recognition by various (ethnic, linguistic, caste) communities, including the demand for ‘identity-based’ federalism. The paper considers the constitutions of these political objects in contemporary Nepal.

Paper long abstract:

Politics in Nepal since the 1990s has been characterized by growing demands for rights and recognition by various (ethnic, linguistic, caste) communities, including the demand for 'identity-based' federalism. Critics of these demands argue that the basic structure of Nepal should be built upon sajha ('common', 'shared' or 'public') identity of all the Nepalis. The paper considers the constitutions of these political objects in contemporary Nepal. At one level, constitutions of political objects are rooted in the everyday physical and linguistic practices that create the sense of belonging. At another level, objects are also configured through the actions of modern governance. The paper discusses, the violent struggle among various groups, including the security forces, the Maoists, and other actors, over what statutes should be erected at the crossroads in the city of Nepalgunj. The paper also discusses the roles of map and official documents, such as citizenship and land ownership certificates, in constituting political objects. By introducing governmental practices, built-forms and documents into the debate, I hope to add yet another (and hopefully, less divisive) perspective on the question of what constitute communities and res publicus in today's Nepal.