Paper long abstract:

Due to the Internet arrival, the Social Movements, alternatives and critics, have considered it as a new scene capable to renew the traditional ways of intervention and collective action. Besides it is open the possibility to outdo the activism atomization of the social movements, organizing them in a global strategy, articulated upon nodes of local intervention.

There is a renewed illusion, due to this inclusion of social movements in the Internet, understood as a new pedagogical tool for the organization, the debate, the broadcast and the social mobilization, which wake up old social utopias, that nowadays they are proposed as real and feasible utopias.

This way we regard that the role of the citizenship, as a participant in the political power, could be replaced by a mere contract of enjoyment of goods and services in the Internet worldwide (Pérez Luño, 2004). So, the individual may find satisfied the technological utopia which includes the promise of social change. The tension generated by these to powers seems to be granting a privilege to an instrumental use of New Technologies in the transformation processes that promote the social movements. This way we may misunderstand the managing of utopias with simple strategies of online communication and education.

Therefore, it is needed to overflow (in a metaphorical way) that instrumental interpretation of the Internet to release deep structural transformations and new imaginaries related to the utopia of a free communication and education media, at the service of a democratical society development.

Paper long abstract:

In light of the financial crisis and harsher migration policies, actions initiated by radical civil society groups are on the rise. This project argues that in this time it is important to understand the reclaiming of online media by civil society. To reach this understanding we will explore how activists of the radical left have mobilized protests and solidarity actions through online media. We have chosen to locate our study in Sweden and Greece. Greece has found itself in the eye of the global financial storm whereas Sweden is coming out of the recession more favorably. In general, there is an excitement around civil society uses of online media leading to a wave of studies in this area. With our project, we underscore that such uses of online media also create potential frictions with reference to two integral dimensions of these media: cyber-material aspects of online media as well as the oxymoron of radical activists on the left using capitalist media platforms and how this influences their political identity. Therefore, there is a need to understand the cyber-material impact of online media on collective action initiated by civil society as well as the relationship between ideological loyalties and the political economy of mainstream online media and how that affects collective civil action. How and with what consequences does cyber-materiality facilitate as well as limit collective action? Does the use of commercial digital platforms by Swedish and Greek activists radicalize these media or is there a risk for radical collective action of becoming recuperated by commercial online media?

Paper long abstract:

Hacktivism in Serbia begun with Internet campaign during NATO intervention in 1999, and during first decade of 21st century usually took form of patriotic hacking. Namely, there have been at least three waves of clashes between Croatian, Serbian, and Albanian hackers (although this term is quite disputable, both on general level and for the purposes of this particular research) - in 2005, 2008 and 2010. These clashes manifested in series of website defacings, followed by, sometimes very heated, debate on Internet forums and chat rooms.

While such regional "cyber battles" still occur, although sporadically, in 2011 there was significant turn of focus among Serbian hackers and hacktivist towards internal political disputes. There were many defacing incidents, as well as full-fledged politically motivated campaign by "John The Ripper", and emergence of the first self-proclaimed hacktivist group (Hacktivist popular movement).

Lately, other new trends emerge - increased use of social networks, predominantly Facebook and Twitter, and cooperation with, or at least "franchising" of, international groups, movements and strategies, such as Anonymous, 99% , Wikileaks etc. There are also new actors, first of all political parties who are just now catching up with potential benefits of social media use. However, political and social impact of hacktivist attacks and campaigns is still very limited.

Paper long abstract:

Having instantiated a society characterized by the unregulated and uncompensated distribution of intellectual property, the shift from mechanical to digital reproduction has disrupted the idea of ownership. The debut of Napster, the first successful digital music service based on Peer-To-Peer ("P2P") technology, suggested the possibility of an imminent and radical transformation within the music industry.

After fifteen years of trials and errors since Napster, the music industry appears to be entering a new phase in which consumers are attracted more to legitimate digital music services than free, and often illegal, options. The recent growth of the revenue generated from digital music produced a strong optimism in the industry.

However, digital technology requires a more sophisticated and intricate understanding of the relationship between technology and society; the process of technological innovation is imbued with the uncertainty, contingency and complexity, therefore, owes an elaboration on the interplay of the heterogeneous factors who have differing power and interests.

My empirical research based on the interviews with forty music entrepreneurs and in-depth analysis of two case studies, INgrooves and Spotify , investigates changing dynamics and the paradoxes emerging in the music industry.

By investigating the underlying dynamics of the technological development in the music industry, I argue that the dichotomised view of digital technology neglected the crucial aspect of 'learning' that is subject to conflicts and different power struggles, and thus produced a prediction of the industry departed from the actual process of technological innovation.