Paper long abstract:

In recent history, until air travel became accessible to the majority of colonial passengers, ships were the lords of the colonial seas. The first Portuguese shipping company was the Empresa Nacional de Navegação a Vapor para a África Portugueza (ENN), followed by the Companhia Nacional de Navegação (CNN). Most of the civilian passengers, military troops and raw materials were transported by these two companies, thereby ensuring the regular circulation of people and goods. Until 1922 CNN had enjoyed exclusive rights to the Portuguese sea routes to Africa, but in that year it found itself in competition with the Companhia Colonial de Navegação (CCN), founded in the city of Lobito, Angola, in 1922. The mergers that took place between the various companies ended when CCN merged with the Empresa Insulana de Navegação, giving rise to the Companhia Portuguesa de Transportes Marítimos (CTM) in 1974.

In effect, the fleets owned by ENN, CNN, CCN and CTM were the means by which the empire became known to the metropole, and the metropole travelled to the African and Asian overseas territories. Their ships carried various Presidents of the Republic to discover the Portuguese world and promoted tourist cruises from (and to) the distant colonies in a maritime dynamic that configured Portuguese travel in and around the Empire in the 20th century.

Paper short abstract:

Expulsion of subjects, which led to concentration camps in Portugal, suggests the participation in the Great War. Places were selected for natural and historical reasons. Reasons behind the choice of overseas camps, their meaning and consequences in the communities are analysed.

Paper long abstract:

The expulsion of subject enemies from the country suggests the participation of Portugal in the Great War. This attitude stems from the declaration of war by Germany to Portugal in 1916. Therefore Afonso Costa decides on the expulsion of all subject enemies, who should be taken to a place designated by the Portuguese government. This led to the existence of transition and concentration camps in Portugal. The sites should have great capacity and should be highly surveyed and safe. In addition to the fort of Peniche, Angra do Heroísmo, São Miguel, Cape Verde, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea and India were selected sites, both for natural and historical reasons. In this paper we try to understand the reasons behind the choice of overseas camps, their meaning and the consequences of these procedures in the communities. Moreover we analyse which were the true motivations of Afonso Costa in the publication of several Decree-Law of expulsion. Based on the analysis of documents such as "Bilhetes de Identidade e Registo de Alemães que foram obrigados a sahir do paiz" and news in the daily newspaper "O Comércio do Porto", we produce a brief but concise study on German residents in Porto sent to the concentration camp in Angra do Heroísmo, Terceira Island, in Azores, Portugal.

Paper short abstract:

The German submarine U-581, sunk in the Azores in 1942, was located at 870m deep. It was found during a research project in 2016 and the aim of this communication is to discuss the naval action between Germany and Great Britain in Portuguese waters, from the neutrality perspective.

Paper long abstract:

Despite the Portuguese neutrality during World War II, the Azorean strategic position was very attractive to several belligerent nations. It was Britain's aim to ensure that this insular waters weren't used by Germany, even if British troops had to occupy the archipelago by force, or invoking the British Luso-Alliance or older alliances to justify it.

In this context, a serious military incident occurred on the 2nd February 1942, which led to the sinking, in front of Pico island, Azores, of the German submarine U-581. In this incident, both contenders clearly violated Portuguese territorial waters, and Portuguese military assets were kept away from the area, although requested by the local authorities.

On the occasion of the75th anniversary of the incident and, at the same time, when the remains of the U-581 were located at 870 meters deep, we intend to discuss the history and the archaeology of the incident, from the Portuguese neutrality perspective. The site himself and all the data related with its sinking, deposition environment or archaeological information's that is available will be crossed with the historical data for a better interpretation of this incident.

Paper short abstract:

The extension of the scope of jurisdiction over the Atlantic continental shelf will force both countries to assume the monitoring and protection of a very large maritime area and carry out the exploration and exploitation of the seabed.

Paper long abstract:

The extension of the scope of jurisdiction of Portugal and Spain over the continental shelf in the Atlantic is an important challenge that will force both countries to assume responsibilities of surveillance and protection over a very wide maritime area. At the same time, it also opens the possibility for the scientific exploration of a seabed, which can accommodate significant resources of multiple uses (with opportunities for exploitation in areas such as pharmacology, cosmetics, mining, industrial energy). Also, the delimitation of these new marine spaces is an opportunity for both countries to set their maritime borders, both in overlap areas, and in areas nearby national costal, whose limits can only be solved by bilateral agreement. Based on the available conclusions of a project undertaken by a team of Portuguese and Spanish researchers, this presentation will describe a) the historical process involving the extension of continental platforms, b) and analyze both national legislation and economic statistical data, in order to c) get a big picture of the challenges and opportunities for both countries. How to solve all these challenges in a context of limited human and equipment resources? Comparisons will be made, and discussed prospective scenarios for the future relation between the two Iberian countries in what refers to maritime issues.

Paper short abstract:

The analyse of the geopolitical consequences for Portugal determined by Brexit and by the Trump Doctrine, evaluating alternative options to an anticipated weakening of the euro-Atlantic link that has been the main Portuguese geostrategic bet, by the centrality that gives the Country.

Paper long abstract:

The Portuguese geopolitics rests on three large spaces: European Union (EU), Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and Community of Portuguese-Language Countries (CPLP). If it is true that NATO and the CPLP are geopolitical spaces dominated by maritime factor, it is not evident the same in the EU, traditionally dedicated to assume as a continental power. The successive UE enlargements, first to the United Kingdom, Ireland and Denmark (1973), then to Greece (1981), Spain and Portugal (1986), gave her a greater maritime dimension, both in the West (Atlantic) as in South (Mediterranean). With the end of the cold war and the enlargements to the East, the EU assume as practically pan-European and with a policy centrality and geographical in Germany. The announced United Kingdom EU output and an isolationist stance of the new US Administration vis-à-vis the EU can strengthen the continental pillar in Europe at the expense of the euro-Atlantic. However, it was under the Presidency of a Portuguese, Jose Manuel Barroso that the European Commission launched, in 2007, the European Integrated Maritime Policy, recognizing the importance of the sea in trade and in the EU economy, having been based in Lisbon the European Maritime Safety Agency. The aim of this paper is to analyse the geopolitical consequences for Portugal determined by Brexit and by the Trump Doctrine, evaluating alternative options to an anticipated weakening of the euro-Atlantic link that has been the main Portuguese geostrategic bet, by the centrality that gives the Country, as opposed to their peripheral position in Europe.

Paper short abstract:

This paper is based on the portuguese sea and its potential. This work will focus on the assumption of the Atlantic as a new national goal to Portugal, analyzing the value of the ocean to the portuguese foreign policy, showing its potential and the problems to the achievement of this maritime treasure.

Paper long abstract:

For over five hundred years, Portugal was successful in pursuing its national strategy.

Today, the sea is returning to the pedestal of the political rhetoric. It became, again, a desideratum to proceed and protect, in an internal and external level.

This work will focus on the assumption of the Atlantic as a new national goal to Portugal, analyzing the real strategic value of the ocean to the portuguese foreign policy, by analyzing the intention of reusing it, showing the economic al and geopolitical interests which are inherent to its

strategic potential, as well as the obstacles that are standing up to the achieving proccess of this goal.

It's our intention to speak about the new current chances that show the ocean as 'sea' of oportunities with the resources at the bottom of the sea, the extension of the portuguese continental shelf beyond the 200 miles, the geoestrategic position of the Sines harbor, the relationship with the ex portuguese colonies, but also the problems that the country is facing at this moment such as the almost obsolete marine, the diplomatic issues with Spain because of the Selvagens exclusive economic zone, the boats industry crysis and so much more.

Paper short abstract:

Recently, some authors argue for the need to strengthen and advance 'sea-related' issues as key in contemporary Portuguese FP. This is a critical literature review on those proposals, considering both conceptual, theoretical and their empirical elements.

Paper long abstract:

Omnipresent in the history of Portuguese foreign relations, the sea was deeply attached with the imperial enterprise: it was both the means of expansion to new territories, and, as such, the element with could strengthen the elements of power of the country (related with concrete power-enhancing strategies). Indeed, it played both a sort of metaphoric role, where 'sea' in Portuguese foreign policy (FP) meant empire and imperial expansion.

The metaphoric role of the sea in Portuguese FP was sharply reduced, particularly since the end of the colonialism (1974). Nevertheless, in a number of recent publications, some authors argue for the need to strengthen and advance this element as key in contemporary Portuguese FP. In this paper, we will seek to convey a critical literature review on those proposals, considering both conceptual, theoretical and their empirical elements. Particularly, we will (1) question how they propose specific FP strategies and goals (namely, we defend that they hardly relate with FP in itself), as well as (2) not relating directly with international relations, at least in most cases (but rather with public policy). Thus, we claim that (3) this new link between FP and 'sea-related' issues can only be understood in a strictly realist perspective, as it might strengthen the elements of power of the country, and yet most authors fail to convey such connection (or to use realism in their study, or to resort to any IR theory).

Paper short abstract:

This works analyses the evolution of the sovereignty concept passing by the absolute original vision, relative and sharing sovereignty, Sovereign rights – internationally added by the UNCLOS – and the new argues of sponsor States in the AREA, especially with the seabed mineral exploitations.

Paper long abstract:

The concept of sovereignty, despite is already much discussed and consolidated during the evolution of the modern era, is still debatable because of the evolution of the international actors' relationship. This work begins by the presentation of classical sovereignty concepts - almost understood as potestas absoluta - passing by the new features attributed to this original concept, until it has been inserted in the maritime context, mainly under the international legal framework. The sea, commonly "no man's land" and "patrimony of all", allows new international actors approaches. The conceptual evolution of the central theme of the work (sovereignty) has reached the point that an absolute concept of vision has become relative. Sovereignty - an original tautological concept - added new denominations: relative sovereignty, sharing sovereignty and, at sea, the new concept of Sovereign rights. Thus, the ultimate goal of the article is to demonstrate that, even in plots where international treaties formally refute any claim of sovereignty (especially by the UNCLOS, 1982), in practice, the concept has been expanded to ensure some typical sovereign claims over those regions. This work wants to highlight the exploitations in the AREA may be understood as a new concept of power action (mainly by the sponsor States). It is different of all previous discussed concepts. The proposal is to present new concepts that need to be glimpsed to the new situations that arise in the AREA, especially with the new mineral exploitations in the seabed.

Paper short abstract:

Through the analysis of EU maritime related strategies this communication aims at assessing their coherence, infer what they reveal about the EU global strategy towards the maritime domain, and assess how maritime related strategies contribute to the assertion of the EU as a relevant global actor.

Paper long abstract:

Over the last decade, the European Union (EU) has been prolific in developing and adopting strategies for the maritime domain. Passed the days of relative absence of maritime issues from the EU political agenda (notable exception to fisheries policies), the oceans, perceived as a complex domain, has ascended within the EU political debate. Progressively the EU has moved forwards strategies such as the Integrated Maritime Policy (IMP) in 2007, the Blue Growth Strategy in 2012, the EU Maritime Security Strategy (EUMSS) in 2014, or the Agenda for International Ocean Governance in 2016 that seek to offer guidance on how to protect and enhance EU maritime interests. In a time of global growing interest and use of the oceans a common position can be argued as the best strategy to assert the EU as a leading global maritime player, and to pursuit EU economic, commercial, economic, political, social, and cultural interests. Through the analysis of EU maritime related strategies (e.g., IMP, EUMSS) this communication aims at assessing the coherence of these maritime strategies, infer what they reveal about the EU global strategy towards the maritime domain, and assess how these strategies contribute to the assertion of the EU as a relevant global actor.

Paper short abstract:

The debate between land and sea power initiated in the beginning of the 20th century, by Mahan and Mackinder, remains present and actual in EU energy security strategy. In this work we´ve analyzed the caveats presented to the European Energy Security due to the threats in the maritime domain.

Paper long abstract:

In the beginning of the 20th Century, the classical geopolitics theories connected international relations to the access to resources and to changes in transport technology, debating land power and sea power.

Energy security, in its continental and maritime dimensions remains a very important issue in the European Union (EU) agenda, vis-à-vis its external energy dependence in Eurasia, in particular from Russia and the Caspian Sea, leaving EU dependent from pipelines and vulnerable to supply disruptions or to infrastructure failures, which can provoke large impact on its member states.

This dependence has been guiding EU's energy strategy to alternative energy markets, namely to the North of Africa and to the Gulf of Guinea, mainly transported by sea thus facing threats to maritime security, such as piracy, drug smuggling and illegal migration.

This paper focuses on understanding the role of continental and sea power classical theories on the maritime dimension of EU's energy security. First, it describes the theories presented by Alfred Mahan and Sir Halford Mackinder. Then, it identifies the traces of these theories within the EU maritime dimension of the energy security strategy. Finally, it analyses the threats in the maritime areas of interest for European Energy Security.

The paper concludes that threats and challenges in the maritime domain create a major caveat to the European Energy Security Strategy, endangering member states interests.