Paper long abstract:

In the late 1940s, Michael Scott, a campaigner for social justice in Southern Africa and an opponent of the South African government, produced what has been described as “the first ‘protest’ film made in South Africa” (Gordon 2005, 457). Yet the film, “Civilisation on Trial in South Africa,” which was shown at the United Nations and to British Members of Parliament, has received little attention in the literature. Neither is much known about its production or dissemination. Based on archival research, this paper is able to shed further light on the context within which the film was conceived and produced, and the networks and personal connections that made it possible. For example, although not acknowledged for his contribution, established South African photographer Leon Levson collaborated with Scott to shoot several sections of the film. The paper discusses the significance of the film as an early example of political documentary, a form that would become an important facet of opposition to apartheid in the years ahead. Although at first it might appear to be an isolated example, the film was produced at a point when South African society was becoming the object of intense international scrutiny; and its black African population the subject of representation by photographers and filmmakers from both inside and outside the country. An adequate analysis of the film therefore depends on an understanding of the visual conventions and developments of the period as well as the ostensible political concerns that are its subject. “Civilisation on Trial” represents an early example of the articulation of photography and film with social and political activism, which was beginning to take place in South Africa in the mid to late 1940s, and which would be a enduring feature of visual culture under apartheid.

Reference: Gordon, Rob. 2005. “Not quite cricket: ‘Civilisation on Trial in South Africa’: a note on the first ‘protest film’ made in Southern Africa”, History in Africa 32: 457-466.

Paper long abstract:

In Côte d’Ivoire, popular music genres such as reggae and zouglou have played a critical role at significant turning points in recent Ivorian history and, especially since political liberalization in 1990, have served as a domain for articulation of ideas about politics, corruption, citizenship, national history and identity, as well as being a platform for social criticism. In recent years, coupé-décalé, a new, ostensibly apolitical, musical genre has emerged, and due to its popularity, it has been giving solid competition to zouglou as most celebrated Ivorian music. This music has been the object of debates in Côte d’Ivoire and abroad, due to its alleged links with transnational cybercrime, and has been criticised for its lack of lyrical content. However, coupé-décalé is effectively also engaging with a socio-political project, as its imagery envisions a new postcolonial relationship with France. Hereby, as this paper aims to show, it provokes a break with the tradition of social criticism represented by zouglou, where zouglou artists, presenting themselves as the “voice of the voiceless” depict themselves as social underdogs, at the receiving end of an unjust and unequal postcolonial relationship. Born in the nightclubs of the Ivorian diaspora in London and Paris, coupé-décalé is a transnational musical style par excellence. Coupé-décalé as a genre celebrates the exploits of young Ivorians who have made a fortune in France. Rather than suffering from the injustice of the postcolonial relationship, in coupé-décalé, Ivorians celebrate themselves for mastering both environments.

Paper long abstract:

Author: Sufian Hemed Bukurura

Elite sports competitions rely heavily on volunteers for their success. Among questions always asked by researchers are why do people volunteer and what do the volunteers get out of it? Several categories of motivation have been identified over time, and empirically tested out and confirmed in various sports competitions, largely held in developed countries. The finals of the Fifa football World Cup in 2010, however, will be held in a developing country, South Africa, with a multitude of unique circumstances, from those we have hitherto been used to. These include: inequality, chronic poverty, unemployment and different kinds of survival strategies unknown in developed countries. Local circumstances aside, Fifa, the proud owner of the World Cup brand, expects the finals to be successfully organised within and around the same stringent requirements, restrictions and profitability as is done elsewhere.

In which way are South African circumstances materially different from those the developed world and how will that influence or affect planning, recruitment, training, management and organisation of volunteers for the World Cup in 2010? In the light of high unemployment and acute poverty, what will be the expectations and motivations of local volunteers? How will the South African local situation affect the day to day work of volunteers? Will the challenges of managing a mixture of volunteers (local, tourist and stipended) be similar to or different from those experienced in developed countries? Irrespective of how one looks at it, our understanding of sports volunteerism in the modern era promises to be significantly enriched by South Africa’s hosting of the finals of the Fifa football World Cup in 2010.