Human behavior results from the interaction of genetically and culturally inherited information. People acquire beliefs, attitudes, and values from others by social learning, and then transmit them to others. Cultural system produces a number of ethnic markers related to a particular group membership. Barth identified the critical feature of the ethnicity: people identify themselves, and are identified by others, as members of an ethnic groups based on a set of culturally transmitted characters.

Ethnic groups are marked by its members through boundaries with cultural diacritica such as language-dialect, dress-pattern, family structure etc., are the results of the actions of individuals on both sides of the boundary and their interactions across the boundary. These ethnic markers do not grow naturally from social bonding between individuals that share culture and origin, but results from actual acts of social distancing and closure vis-à-vis members of other categories.

The concept of 'Indianness' has evolved over centuries and can be revealed in terms of languages and regions, religions and sects, castes and sub-castes. Many of its elements are derived from Indian civilization, transcending diversities manifested in religious faiths, linguistic persuasions, regional and local variations. 'Indianness' as reflected by Indian diaspora is the product of synthesis of the memories of motherland passed on by the early settlers to their descendents through oral and institutional modes, and their real encounters with visiting cultural specialists from their imagined homeland.

Present paper analyses the notion of 'Indianness' as ethnic marker in various trans-locations and diasporic communities forming a strong and thriving Indian diaspora.

The Indians who had migrated during the colonial period were able to construct Indian identity for themselves. That helped them to negotiate for space in wider arena. But India their reference point itself has been a plural country. It has a long and continuous history. Defining Indianness is problematic. Added to that India has been changing, pace of which has accelerated in recent times. What is the reference point in claiming the Indian identity? Among the diasporic populations of the erstwhile colonies Indianness has been related to inter-ethnic strive.

In the post colonial period, a large number of Indians have migrated to the industrially advanced countries. They may not form a community yet, they do carry the Indian identity and are now increasingly displaying it. Discovering their roots and celebrating them have become new enterprises. Based on regional cultures Indians have formed cultural associations which are thriving. What kinds of linkages are established between regional associations? Probing this question may throw light on the core values of the Indian society. However, the Indian diaspora in USA is of professional middle class. Industrially developed countries see India as a huge market. They are taking much interest to reach to it. This has a reinforcement effect.

This paper tries to examine the interplay of these forces. Keeping experiences of colonial and post colonial Indian diasporic populations it develops a discourse on the core values which tend to tie up the Indian populations though disparate in time and space.

Indians migrating to different parts of the world is a historical as well as a contemporary phenomenon. Research on Indian Diaspora has clearly established that wherever they went they maintained their Indian identity in a strong way. While in general language and religion has played important role in identity maintenance, other factors also contribute.

In this paper we will focus on strategies adopted by Indians living in the United States in the context of Indian identity, e.g., their educational and professional attainment, active participation in Indian organizations and festivities, as well as visit to India. The goal of this ethnographic study is to shed light on the process of identity construction of Asian Indians particularly in the context of model minority rhetoric. Asian Indians are stereotyped as an English-speaking scientific community, and an achievement-oriented minority. In the United States Asian Indians and their children are positively stereotyped as "successful minorities," and are ascribed "model minority" status in American society because their educational and economic profile competes with the profile of whites. Like many Asian Americans, Asian Indians are voluntary immigrants who migrated to the United States in the quest of a better life.

Academic enquiries in the field of the Indian diaspora in Canada have so far focused mainly on the diaspora settled in Canada. This study proposes to push forth in a new direction, with an investigation of the familial bonds between children settled in Canada and the parents who are often left behind. A close and continual association is maintained by the first generation diaspora with the country of origin, often through the agency of the parents. It can generally be observed that the intensity of visits to India might be more frequent during the life-time of the parents of the first generation migrants. These visits also often take the form of familial occasions like marriage, death or birth, religious occasions, and investment decisions like the purchase of land or construction of a family house. There also exists a significant reverse flow of traffic, in terms of parents visiting their children. This traffic and its implications are yet to receive adequate academic attention. While some research has been undertaken regarding the impact of the phenomenon of parents who also migrate permanently to Canada along with the first generation, there has not been any significant effort to examine the linkage for the majority of parents who do not immigrate for various reasons. The paper is based on primary data collected through fifty personal interviews among respondents who have visited Canada in the recent past. The fieldwork has been conducted in Vancouver, Canada during November and December 2011.

There have been attempts to define Indianness by using mostly decriptive ethnography. Anthropologists have used social structure while others religion, culture, language, festivals, life crises including marriage.The question remain unanswered that how Indians deifine their Indianness? Do they consider India as their home or an imaginary country? I think new research should be conducted with anthropological methodology. New generation is different then first one. Their perception of their Indianness and the country India is copletely different. When they visit India do they feel really same as other people of India. There are many issues related to identity maintenance mechanism and the changing interpretations. The paper will focuss on the casa studies of European and Caribbean countries.

The Indian community in Germany numbers approximately a mere 70,000 people. However, this rather small population group has managed to become a respected and well-integrated, although by no means fully assimilated segment of German society. This paper will deal with the ways in which Non-Resident Indians (NRI) and Persons of Indian Origin (PIO) in Germany see and define their identity and their "Indianness" in relation towards their homeland India, the majority population in the host nation Germany, and the worldwide Indian diaspora. It is going to be an empirical study which will combine a general analysis with qualitative research regarding prominent members of the Indian community in Germany such as politicians, activists, or artists. Particular emphasis will be put on the second and third generations and their struggle to find their place between the Indian cultural heritage of their parents and the demands of a very different majority society in Germany. Furthermore, the paper will also include an assessment of possible identity and loyalty conflicts.

This paper searches for 'Indianness' in the complex socio-cultural millieu of over twenty five million Indians, scattered in more than a hundred countries world over. People of Indian Origin outside India are no less diversified into innumerable castes and subcastes, languages and dialects, regions and localities, and religions, sects and subsects. Any definition of 'Indianness' needs to underline attributes that encompass all diversities that are present among the Indians in India and also elsewhere beyond the nation-state. The paper also explores the process through which 'Indianness' is pursued and perceived among the Indian diaspora.

Historically, India is colonial creation in the sense that the map of India was drawn by the British during her rule and redrawn significantly at the stroke of midnight on August 14th in 1947, while leaving the subcontinent. At that very moment, a section of the population became 'Pakistanis' and later some of them 'Bangladeshis'. Implied here is that 'Indianness' is a social/ psychological product of colonialism as much as post-colonialism, articulated through the political notion of a 'nation', that bound the population despite the diversities.

The post-colonial India and 'Indianness' excludes people and places falling within the boundaries of Pakistan despite the similarities in cultural and racial attributes. The concept of 'India' is essentially a political and territorial construct born out of the desire for a common Constitution, Parliament, governance and, above all, unity transcending all the diversities.

The minority Indian community in Malaysia is the third largest after the Malay and

Chinese communities. According to the 2000 census, they formed7.7 percent (1.7 million) of the

total Malaysian population. The majority of the Malaysian Indians are Tamil Hindus from South

India. The others are Malayalis, Telugus, Sikhs, Punjabis and other North Indians. This shows

that the Malaysian Indian Diaspora is characterized by diversity and divided by ethnicity,

language, religion, culture, caste and social class. The present Indian diasporic community in

Malaysia is the result of large scale immigration of labour mainly from South India by the then

colonial govemment to work in the rubber plantations.

Since Independence several state policies especially in the areas of education, economy

and culture have been formulated to forge national unity amongst the multi-ethnic population of

Malaysia. However, the preferential treatment for the Malay Bumiputera community, the rise of

fundamental Islam, the Islamisation of state policies and the Malay cultural dominance have all

impacted negatively towards national integration.

The continued neglect and marginalization of the Indian diasporic community have led

them to reassert their rights and redefine their identities. The protest organized by the Hindu

Rights Action Force (HINDRAF) in November 2007 had a significant effect on the psyche of the

working class Indian.

It is in this context that this paper will explore the issues of ethnicity, culture and identity

and discuss how this diasporic community is negotiating and redefining itself in the dynamic,

political, economic and social environments in Malaysia.

In the early phase of Human Rights, Political, Social and Economic rights were main components but after that right to Development as well as right to Education, right to Health etc are also important fields of discussion. Education is a fundamental human right and essential for the exercise of all other human rights (UDHR, 1948). It promotes individual freedom and empowerment and yields important development benefits. Yet millions of women remain deprived of educational opportunities. Education is a fundamental human right. It is comparatively more important at an early age. The question of education of tribal women particularly is still uncertain which needs urgent attention of the planners and implementers. The present study focuses on the problems and the status of education of the tribal women.

Reunion is the colony that best reflects the francophone diaspora with some 250 000 IOP. This island is a department of France and is part of Europe.

The daily meal consists of rice and curry. In addition to the 250,000 Indians, the whole population that is to say 850 000 people share the same meal.

Naturally sugar is omnipresent in local life. Both plants still present, are the legacy of the Coolies, and production of sugarcane is still the most reliable wealth.

His Indian home is undeniable. Margabin Dina, was one of the first names given to the island of Reunion, located near Mauritius. The Indians were very early in Bourbon (Birboon, Indian term). In what sense would have developed the island without the strong Indian presence?

Despite this Reunion is struggling to make themselves known or recognized in India. Language and political system are the main reasons.

First Women of Bourbon arrived from the Indies (1678). March 16, 1828, 15 workers, caste pariahs leave Yanam, towards the island aboard the Bourbon Turquoise.

The Indian immigration reached its peak after the signing of the Convention between France and England July 25, 1860.

Indian Muslims, they landed after 1870, to settle in small-commerce. Most of them came from the First World War.

Ultimately Coolie trade or indentured bring some 120,000 Indians in Reunion.