I consider new modes of popular organization represented by the FPEBP, analysing the problems that need to be transcended when lower class people negotiate their right to the city in a context where property interests enjoy extensive political influence and drug trafficking operates.

The FPEBP was born in 2007, but entered a phase of demobilization towards the end of 2011 and beginning of 2012 as community leaderships faced various kinds of threats as a result of this situation. This case study reflects the broader context of Brasil as the next host of the football world cup in 2014 and Olympic games in 2016, which require new investments in public transport systems, as well as the impacts of new commercial and residential development in the zone of Salvador between the historical old city and the international airport, an axis of urban development in which the 60,000 residents of Bairro da Paz find themselves occupying a strategic position. The tendencies observed in this case now threaten to marginalize this and other popular neighborhoods inside the city, where the possession of the land and the housing conditions were less precarious in the past, provoking a wave of claims and protests by several local groups and broader movements.

This paper examines the mediation process conducted by Syarikat Indonesia as a means of shifting the dominant anti-communist narrative about the most tragic violent episode in Indonesian history, the events of 1965. The Syarikat mediation process invites and involves the participations of both perpetrators and the victims of the 1965 tragedy. In this process, both groups share their stories and personal experiences relating to the 1965 event. This grass-roots effort is a significant attempt at dealing with the 1965 issue after failures at the national level due to high political tension and mass protests.

To consider if Syarikat's mediation processes can break the anti-communist narrative, this paper considers the three key themes narrative, identity and victimhood as the conceptual framework. These themes have been significant in prolonging the anti-communist narrative in Indonesia. This paper analyzes the transcript of the mediation process and the secondary resources that record this process.

The main finding of this paper is that the mediation process conducted by Syarikat Indonesia has offered a way to break the anti-communist narrative in Indonesia. This happened because this process provided space for the participants to interrogate, challenge, and problematize the official narrative of communism in Indonesia. The official narrative has been corrected and clarified by the participants and a new narrative and understanding about the 1965 event, one which is different from the government version, is now emerging. Furthermore, from this process, a new consciousness in looking each other has emerged among them, from being "enemy" to "partner."

After the riots, Osh Uzbeks were exposed to many difficulties. The Kyrgyz government used economic and political pressure to distinguish minority groups from the titular nationality, and this licensed mistreatment such as seizure of properties, loss of jobs, and even verbal and physical abuse. Despite these mistreatments, however, the Uzbeks were reluctant to leave the Osh area. Uzbeks have a long history of living in the region of Osh with strong emotional and historical sentiments, including its graveyards and sacred sites. Thus Uzbeks have had to develop alternative ways to cope with the uncertainty and insecurity of their situation. They adopted strategies which on the one side reinforce their vulnerability, but on the other side provide security for their children during the post-conflict reconstruction. These strategies include avoiding public spaces and attention, marrying their daughters early and sending male family members as labor migrants to Russia. Hereby they aim to protect the honor of the community, to maintain their social networks, and to preserve Uzbek identity without provoking attention. They describe this strategy of patience as sabyrdu.

It will be a part of the analysis of quantitative data from a survey on gender and racism that it will be implemented in April 20122 among young people that are attached in the educational systems mentioned above. This will be complemented with qualitative information, give us a more profound idea of the ways in which the roles are constructed (male and female) crossed by other categories such as generation, ethnicity and social class social, on this basis to approach the various forms of creation and reproduction of inequalities between the social groups that inhabit this region, especially the young.The survey referred to above has been implemented the years 2006, 2009 and, soon, in 2012. ere are certain emphasis and some variants between the three, but there are also elements which are common, among others, the universe of study to generate the sample, as well as the international migration that crosses and that is a factor with presence and very significant impact on the everyday lives of young people and their relationship in their domestic units and their communities of secondment. Therefore, these elements will be considered in the analysis to discuss.

This paper has the etnographically oriented goal of describing the practices and legal strategies used by men and women from two Mexican post indigenous villages, one located in the state of Puebla and another in the state of Morelos, in their marriage conflicts management and resolution. The paper also explore the historical construction of these practices and strategies, as well as their articulation with the positive law and their adaptation to new and changing life experiences of the locals, such as international migration. Based on analysis of local court records and interviews, the paper highlights that couples involved in marital disputing produce discourses in gendered ways.

This paper is based on the results of research conducted under a grant-internship awarded by Administrative Department of Science, Technology and Innovation of Colombia -Colciencias for a year (from June of 2011 to June of 2012). The study included 1.) The identification of new scenarios of relationship and negotiation of social actors involved in the management and direction of mining and environmental policies in the country, 2) the policies, state programs and most significant legal reforms in exploitation of mineral resources review, and finally 3) the inquiry by alternative processes related to access and sustainable use of mineral resources, for which we conducted a case study on the gold miners afro-descendientes communities from "Tado" and "Condoto" in Choco, Colombia, some of them are linked today to the Corporación Oro Verde ("Green Gold Corporation").

I argue that Colombian government today sustain its development model on the "mining locomotive". In the context of neoliberalism, Colombia has created a legal and political platform to promote large-scale mining with help of foreign influences, which leads to its relationship with various stakeholders to be in conflict. One of the most serious conflicts is the violation of the recognized principle by the National Constitution for the protection of ethnic and cultural diversity of the nation through mechanisms that reproduce exclusion. This exclusion is caused by the incompatibility of the exploitation of mineral resources and the protection of social integrity.

The ways in which violence has become in the last century and the one we are witnessing in the present, compel us to analyze the so-called "civilization process" of humanity. Therefore, I will try to understand and reflect what is the structural violence, what is its structure and how occurs in today's world and finally how manifests and exercises violence in our culture.

With the opening in the 20th century and the emergence of new technologies (for example, vaccines, antibiotics, electricity, TV and internet, etc.) have emerged simultaneously new faces of violence: mass killings, holocausts, disappearances of people, in other words: the structural violence that people live in unjust social conditions and is deprived of the possibility of realizing their full human potential. Are as well those situations where the damage occurs in the satisfaction of basic human needs (survival, well-being, identity or freedom) as a result of the processes of social stratification, frequently there is no need to exercise forms of direct violence, the structural violence is a mystifying violence, as Marx would say and it is also the violence of poverty in all its dimensions it shows with a new face: with new public policies of detention, the increase in poverty are reflected as say Mike Davis in a planet of slums places where there are daily violations of human rights and also there is the constant threat of nuclear war. In this paper I will link these ideas with the situation of violence which the mexican people are suffering today.

The ethnic war in Sri Lanka has displaced over 700000 Tamils. Since 1983 the Tamils have constantly been seeking refugee in many western countries. This has been based on their social and familial connections. The poorest of the poor who wanted to save their lives came to Tamil Nadu, India's southern most state seeking refuge. They are housed in 111 camps all over the State. Despite not being a signatory to the 1951 refugee convention. The Central and state governments have been taking care of the refugees providing them with free accommodation, water, electricity, education, health benefits and a dole to sustain themselves.

OfERR a refugee self help organization was instrumental in securing much of the needs of the refugees. This paper will discuss the systematic interventions undertaken by the organization in redying the refugees to return. Some of the examples are: there are 2500 graduates from the refugee community, people have been trained in over 100 skills. The focus on human capital, especially the human being has lead to a transformation of the community.

Now when people are beginning to trickle back to the home land they are able to find themselves prepared to face the challenge.

The presentation will be substantiated with the documentary evidence that ranges over the last 27 years.

Drawing mainly from an anthropological frame of analysis, I analyze different recent social protest events which will allow to discuss the kind of subjects and grievances involved. As a starting point, I contend that recent social developments can not be longer categorized in the same way as classical discussions on social movements used to do. Therefore, I will try to: 1) understand the main ideas and categories the social protesting actors use to build up the definition of their grievances, claims and actions. 2) to examine the meaning of appealing to emotions and feelings - especially anger, suffering, the claim of visibility for the victims of violence, and the demand of dignified justice, to mobilize different social groups. Since these phenomena can be studied by comparison to other movments in the world, in which young people and other sectors of civil society have played a major role -as in Chile, England, Egipt, in the differend kinds of occupy and indignant movements, or in the incidents that have taken place in the French banlieues in 2005 among others-, there are some specific objective to be pursued. It seems to me that the series of concepts, notions and prcatices that the protagonists of social protest movements produce, reveal important transformations in the way they perceive themselves, as well as in the kind of actions that appeal to categories that erode the moral character of neoliberal order.