Research has shown that language skills of labor migrants play an important role in mediating migration pathways, as well as influencing their success in the labor market in the receiving country. Likewise, proficiency in the majority language is crucial and has important effects on earnings, job placement and promotion. However, very few studies have looked into the relationship between labor migration control and language policies. The background of our presentation is an empirical study undertaken in the EU region when EU- expanded and opened its borders to transnational labor migrants from Central and Eastern European countries in 2004. Our study shows how language policies were implemented in various northern European countries around the same time as the expansion, and several countries used language policy as a means of shifting away from multicultural policies and towards re-bordering. In this presentation a comparative analysis will be undertaken of our empirical findings from the EU region with similar studies presented in literature of Eastern and Southeast Asia, especially China and surrounding countries. We will be doing so by focusing on aspects related to: "linguistic nationalism" and the interaction of institutional actors in supporting negotiations regarding linguistic skill that facilitate migrants' capacity to traverse boundaries and integrate into foreign job markets.

The Chinese New Year festival exists now twenty years since one Parade in several continents where Chinese residents are implanted, particularly in Paris. The New Year's Parade does not proceed only in neighborhoods that combine the traditional core activities of the 'Chinese' immigration but also, in the centers of the big cities. For example, in London and in Paris, the roads are filled with dragons and lions on the New Year's Day in Chinatown.

These current changes show equally the correlation of three complex phenomena: Firstly, a "Chinese culture" establishment in a migratory situation;

Secondly the use of this culture established as a space for political recognition of a "community" in Paris and in its region,

and finally the recent promotion by governments of China People's diasporas as a cutral brand, a relay of economic expansion hinged on a selective international cooperation, particularly in the dynamics of local labour markets.

The study elucidates the double relationship (equality/hierarchy; economy/culture)co-exist while pointing out the differences between the neighborhoods and between communities involved. This traditional festival is developed in the diaspora communities in order to express their existence in the countries where they are established, inventing a new contemporary urban culture through a dialogue between different emigrants and local populations.

Quite a few Dutch opinion makers voices concerns about problems arising out the arrival and possible permanent settlement of large numbers of migrant workers from Central European EU-member states - notably from Poland. Estimates made before Polish accession to the Union (2004) and the end of restricted movement for its workers (2007) pointed at modest migration flows to the Netherlands. In actual fact many more came and to date approximately 150.000 Polish citizens reside there, the largest proportion of which having arrived for employment purposes. Being mindful of past experiences with the "guest worker" labour migration from Turkey and Morocco of the 1960s and 1970s which resulted in large immigrant communities and considerable policy challenges due to poor socio-economic integration, it is now questioned whether Dutch society might in future face similar issues with migrants from Poland and other Central European countries. By evaluating the main characteristics of current Polish immigrants, those of the Dutch labour market, and using labour market and migration theories this paper discusses how likely such "guest worker era" outcomes might be.

This paper examines the Chinese labour market in the Chinese immigrant economy in Vienna in the context of the Austrian migration regime as well as the socio-economic transformations of PR China since the 1980s. While Chinese immigrant economy has been providing Chinese workers with earning opportunities unavailable for them in the mainstream economy, it has deprived them of the rights of social welfare protection, impeding their social and economic integration in the mainstream society to a certain extent.

In the wake of globalization of China's economy and Chinese migration, Chinese transnational activities have given thrust to new business and employment opportunities in Vienna such as those in tourism and cultural industries in the last decade. These new economic activities have not only reinvigorated the Chinese immigrant economy, but also unlocked the door of an alternative path of prosperity and social mobility, in particular for a group of well-educated and well-connected Chinese. However, while some can enjoy the economic advantages induced by transnationalism, some other are excluded and remain as marginalized workers in the Chinese immigrant economy. This contributes to the emergence of internal stratification and widening of socio-economic distance among members of the Chinese working force in Vienna.

The emerging labour markets for domestic and care work fuel the feminisation of migration, as it is mostly migrant women migrating without their families who service the sector. A structural aspect of this kind of work is the lack of a private sphere and family life of the workers. The literature on migrant domestic work has highlighted the meaning of care, migration and gender regimes for the position of migrant domestic workers in the country of destination. It revealed their coping strategies to adapt their mothering role to the transnational setting, keeping in touch with their families and exercising remote care for their children with the help of modern means of communications. The literature has also highlighted the centrality of the Sunday gatherings with co-ethnic domestic workers in satisfying needs for socializing, networking and for elemental workers' solidarity among others exchanging on strategies to cope with the hardships of working life and on chances for labour market mobility.

In this paper, analyzing the biographical narrations of Philippine women who have worked in both Hong Kong and Frankfurt am Main I discuss the differences and similarities of sociability structures and chances for live-in migrant domestic workers in these two metropolitan regions. I elaborate on the importance of the specific spatial structure for realizing sociability especially the Sunday gatherings around religious activities, and the impact this has on bottom up policies of belonging, strategies of coping with marginalization and on the wellbeing of migrant domestic workers.

Taiwan stipulated Employment Service Act in 1992 and currently introduced a number of more than 420,000 foreign manual workers from Southeast Asian countries. The employment principle insists to be temporary and complementary and shall not jeopardise domestic employment as prior concern. While temporary is the form, the circular is the nature as the labour contracts are regulated to be possibly renewed on a 3-year basis with a maximum duration of 12 years.

The research firstly reviews the legislation and practices in the compliance with the ILO core standards. The rights of mobility and of association are much less implemented and consequently constrained by the temporary framework regime and employer sponsorship mechanism. The research secondly proposed a multi-stakeholders' approach to demonstrate a comprehensive structure of migration process embedded with circular elements. Thirdly, a life story analysis method is used to explore the vulnerability of foreign workers and its linkage to policy practice and its utility value behind. The research finds that profit-and-employer oriented services in the recruitment process has been institutionalised while the non-profit- and- worker oriented alternative exists in symbolic terms. The way to curb the high cost of profitable recruitment is to organise the foreign workers and enable the non-profit organisations to provide comparable placement services with reasonable membership fees. It is expected that the organised foreign workers will be able to get rid of vulnerability and empowered to voice their rights with sustainable means.

The present paper is based on the author's research on Oriya migrant laborers in Surat in the Gujarat state of India, during the last two decades .The textile industries of Surat accommodate around ten lakh migrant laborers from Orissa and house them spatially distributed in the entire city. Majority of them work on casual basis and are paid on daily attendance. The laborers work for twelve hours per shift in a day against the official eight hours with an unpaid holiday on Friday. Medical help is a luxury in most of the industries. The temporary and ad-hoc nature of employment, low wages and poor housing conditions lead to serious health hazards. Hardly, any laborer is aware of any trade union in their industries and let alone in the textile city. Although, the different trade unions have their own units but none is politically active and lack wisdom to safe guard the interests of the laboring class. Hence one can easily notice that there are frequent changes of employment without any adequate changes in the way of life. The laborers rationalize the situation and accept the process of migration as it provides employment opportunities and better wages compared to what they are used to receive at their village surroundings. The above facts vividly narrate how the migrant laborers are deprived of their basic rights in a civilized society.

By debating the Euro-Atlantic vs. Eurasian macro-spaces, the paper pays attention to the disruption of migration trends, analysing the attraction and rejection factors of the two macro-spaces in relation with movement of people (dialog or confrontation?).

The paper compares two macro-spaces, defined by demography, economy, science, trade, finance and competitiveness. EU should respond to three imperatives: necessity, effectiveness and legitimacy. Legitimacy is lost, efficacy very low, the Euro-Atlantic macro-space is eroded. The future belongs to regions with resources (oil, gas, minerals and workers): the Eurasian space is carrying the torch in the future perspective. An irreversible political and economic shift in global power from West to East was noted: the world economic centre was moved from Atlantic to Pacific.

The attraction of Eurasia, with an increasing role in changing of migration dynamics and structure, is the second topic. The capital goes to Asia, bringing goods, and the workers follow. Eurasia attracts with the growing economy, and the population cannot drive against economic trends. In the same time, Eurasia has an increased interest in Europe.

The third part discuss the Romania's position into wider Black Sea Area, between the Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian macro-spaces, belonging to and connecting the both, playground for confrontation of two contrary tendencies: attraction of the European values and the increasing of Asia's economy. Changing of world power centres influences the labour migration patterns in the Black Sea Area. Two case studies are presented in a mirror: migration of Romanians to Spain and the attractiveness of Far East.

The Southeast Asian region has long been a region of international migration; apart from the major intraregional migration within Asia, it has also emerged as one of the crucial sources of migrants worldwide, increasingly also in Europe. European countries, such as Germany, face severe demographic challenges like the shrinking labor force in the near future, for which promotion of labor migration from third countries has come into the focus of policymakers. Recent implementations of EU directives on third-country nationals and highly qualified in terms of amendments of the German Residence Act are the product of this development.

In Germany, the largest migration flows from the Asia come from China and the ASEAN coun-tries: the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam. Migration types range from family and asylum to labor and student migration, whereas the latter groups have increasingly gained in importance. Introducing detailed data primarily from the Central Registry for Foreigners, but also taking studies on labor market integration of migrants into consideration, the dimension of the Asian migration and its impact on the labor market are being examined. Moreover, emigration policies of selected ASEAN member states are analyzed and, complementarily, immigration policies of Germany brought into the larger context of the supranational coordination of the EU. Germany's development in migration policies accords with the EU directives, yet it also maintains its own choice in implementing them. It can be stated that Germany struggles in the competition within the EU in attracting the desired highly skilled migrants from third countries.

In the process of rapid economic development and urbanization in China, new groups appear in the lasting large-scale rural-to-urban flow of population. These years, more and more rural-urban migrant workers gave birth to their children and brought them up in the receiving city. As a result, most migrant children completed the socialization process in the city, lacking the life experience in the village. They accepted not only the life style but also the value and goals as city dwellers. At the same time, they are still excluded from urban communities and can't identify with the city. Although they hope to change the marginal position of their parents by work, the unequal opportunity after compulsory education, and the unstable studying environment directly inhibit their right to education and social mobility. The lack of education and skills as well as the non-citizen position would limit their work and continuous education opportunities.

Some of the second generation of rural migrant workers already started working. However, their situation remained the same as their parents, there was little chance to become citizen by intergeneration transformation, instead the transmission of poverty and marginal position remained. It is necessary to build a just social system that makes it possible for the second generation of rural migrants to realize the intergenerational mobility by education and their own efforts.

Wenzhouese migrants began arriving in Prato - a mid-sized city with the highest percentage of Chinese residents of any Italian province - in the early 1990s as workers in the textile industrial district. Over the last decade, they have been able to set up their own businesses, moving from the role of subcontractors for Italian firms to that of final firms in the pronto moda (ready-to-wear fast fashion). More recently, they have embarked in different activities, ranging from the ethnic service sector, the opening of wholesale and retail businesses, the gainful sector of importing and marketing goods from China, to the so-called "mimetic businesses", and new forms of entrepreneurship, embedded in the Italian society. A new, well-off 'middle class' is therefore emerging. However, due to (at least) four factors intertwined with each other at various levels - 1. the global economic crisis which has harmed the Chinese garment industry as well as Prato textile district, 2. the crisis of upward social mobility experienced by those migrants without strong chain migration and guanxi (i.e. Chinese from Fujian and Dongbei), 3. the implementation of financial controls imposed by Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti, 4. an unfriendly social climate towards Chinese migrants which led, in 2009, to the victory of a right-wing coalition after 63 years of left-wing local government - a growing number of Chinese entrepreneurs are deciding to come back to their motherland or move elsewhere.

This paper also intends to scrutinize the consequences of these dynamics on Prato economy and Italian economy overall.