The eruption of Mount Pinatubo in 1991 resulted to the displacement of the Aeta Mag-Antsi tribe to the Dueg Resettlement Site. Due to the geographical location of the area, the delivery of basic services and the sustainability of the development programs extended by the national government were seriously challenged.

In this regard, this study aimed to identify and discuss the 1)ecological values of the Aeta Mag-Antsi before and after their displacement; 2)the determinants that changed these ecological values; and 3)the role of the government's development efforts for this displaced indigenous community. The data used in this study were obtained from on-site observations, series of interviews conducted with the tribal leaders and members, and the transcribed statements of the tribal elders of the community.

The results of the study revealed that most of the ecological practices of the Aeta Mag-Antsi have changed since their relocation to the Dueg Resettlement Site. Factors such as poverty in their new place of settlement, the lack of stable source of income, and the influence of the host community were attributed to the changes in their ecological practices.The transformations in the ecological values of this tribal group revealed a resilient, adaptive, and gender-sensitive character of this indigenous group. This implies that that they are capable of adjusting to any physical environment in order to survive. Also, despite of being unschooled, the changes in their values show that they are able to come up with practical decisions for the welfare of their community.

Nature is wise and balanced on its natural resources. In the indigenous peoples live in harmony and happiness.

But the man is the sponsor of these advanced companies that destroy the habits of the native peoples with economic objectives. That if you continue this form of exploitation, will transform the earth.

These human beings are forced to abandon their homes and families to obtain a better life full of hope, but this is actually an injustice of human rights the need to scroll to other parts of the world. This is the theme for each day in humanity.

Nature has never been controlled by human beings if studied. The descendants of this indigenous population have difficulties of integration that are the second and third generation. Western society sees as population of third level despite the fact that they were born and have the same rights as the own of these places.

This is the reason why what I'm going to develop a study of the descendants of the natives in their integration painful to them in a globalised world in which thinks that western society is a world of great fortunes and wealth full of opportunities, but in reality it is more that illusion as reality that have to compete with jobs, education, health care in a society at a disadvantage with the rest of the population.

Globalization is transforming the majority of the population of the world. In the human life of the planet, in which the different customs of the society is changing. By what this world of globalization leads to the society in the way of life in the same way for all, but this is impossible.

In certain areas of Jharkhand (India), poverty, consequent malnutrition, migration of people in search of better life have given rise to diseases like Tuberculosis (TB).

Migration has not only created problem among the people regarding livelihood generating activities, but this migration has made many impact on the people belonging to various groups community and tribe in Jharkhand. As migration has been always understood as situation in which people move from one place to another in search of bread and butter .Under this research the migration of people from one place to another has been shown that people are getting infected to a disease called Tuberculosis. The samples have been taken from Ramakrishna Mission Sanatorium, Ranchi Jharkhand. In this research the patients who migrated from Jharkhand state to neighboring state got infected to a disease TB. The people who migrate are forced to work in hazardous industries, factories and brickfields for their earnings. Some patients have also mentioned that if employer comes to know that an individual is suffering from tuberculosis then they were removed from the job without any reason. In this situation an individual was forced to return to their houses for treatment. About more than 400 samples of male tuberculosis patients admitted in R.K. Mission Sanatorium has been taken. Therefore most important concerns in the field of Jharkhand health is the growing risks of tuberculosis.

People with Indigenous Knowledge System (IKS) have the capabilities to provide several Public Services that parallel to the Modern systems is equally important. An indigenous community may be marginalized due to in-migrations or be out-migrated. It may be immigrated or emigrated. In both the cases, IKS could be altered due to changes in modes of production.

In a transnational region region of India is Duars region of northern West Bengal state of India. This is actually an included area from Bhutan Himalayas and formerly considered as Buffer.

Ancient trade routes have lost and people could only imagine of their indigenous statehood like Koch Bihar and Kamtapur. Tribal communities there like Mech (Bodo), Rabha, Garo, and Koch have been mostly incorporated into the wider social category of agrarian Rajbanshi caste. Borendri caste group there speaks off their Aryan origin but on to Kashmir-Tibet ways. Nepali speaking Hill Nepalese of Nepal are actually immigrants but recruited in Indian Army. They also construct the labour class in Tea estates along with Adivasi people of Dravidian-ProtoAustraloid origin from Central India.

A new form of IKS has grown up locally that contains identity movement, human shield in this border territory and multiculturalism. For that the British rule in India obviously got the credit. Mutual understanding between IKS and Modernity can really fulfill the goal. We cannot consider IKS being a part confined in mode of production, but the structure and the super-structure (or cognition) that speaks openly in favour of culture to multiculturalism.

The present paper based on stratified random sampling was based on sociological factors divided into two sub-groups of Migration (Migrant -Non-migrant)Religion (Sarna-Christian), Marital Status (Marriad-Un-married) and Age (15-25 yrs- 40-50 yrs). A 2x2x2x2 factorial design was used to study the impact of above mentioned factors on migration of tribal women. Psychological factors such as: Anxiety and Motives were also studied on total sample of 320. The findings indicate that Mean. S.D.& Percentages of anxiety scores of migrant Sarna un-married group were higher than that of migrant Christian married women group. Anxiety level of Christian older migrant group was found higher than that of younger migrants. It indicates migrant older Christian tribal women had higher level of anxiety than Christian younger group .The same trend was found in Sarna migrants also. The result indicates that the motivation factors are the main reasons for migration of the tribal women in Jharkhand.

Migrations and its affect on Indigenous people in India:

A Case Study of the plains tribals of Assam

There had been a continuous flow of migration into Assam ever since the British occupation. The enterprises that developed during Assam's economic transformation in the 19th century such as tea industry, coal mines, oil fields, construction of roads, railway lines greatly necessitated migrant labourers and therefore the colonial rulers actively pursued the policy to encourage immigration. These migrants had brought enormous demographic changes in Assam leading to frequent ethnic conflict. Emerging out of new politico-economic conditions, the Assamese middle class hardly found any space in the modern sector to accommodate themselves. Because of their non-entrepreneur background, they aspired for administrative and public services rather than to compete in industrial and commercial field which brought them in direct competition with the Hindu. In their bid to fight against the Bengalis dominance, the Assamese elite used the linguistic in order to mobilize the Assamese ethnic group by projecting their self interest as the interest of entire group. In this paper tribal is however limited to examine the question how the migrant peasants caused the ethnic cleavages in Assam and political consciousness of the Plains Tribals which manifests in the form of "Tribal Politics.

Narikkurawar are the nomadic minority group of people who live in many suburbs cities of Tamil Nadu. "Nari" means fox in Tamil language. It is believed that the Narikkurawar of Tamil Nadu especially in Tirunelveli district originate from the states of Rajasthan and Gujarat. They also claim themselves as the offshoot of another migrant nomad from Andhra Pradesh to Tamil Nadu known as "Kattu Nayakkar." In Northern India they are called as "Gulgulya" (means nomad). Hakki-Bigees of Karnataka ("Hakki" means bird), Nakla-vala and Petla-vala in Andhra Pradesh are also considered as same group. "Nakla" and "Petla" stand for fox and bird respectively. Their nomenclatures are directly associated with nature and especially birds and animals. They have all the characteristics of the nomadic tribes.

In the caste structured Tamil society the government has enlisted them in the Most Backward Class (MBC). The mere existence of minority Narikkurawar among the majorities is not always peaceful. Being nomads, they are unable to enjoy all the benefits enjoyed by other caste groups. They are sidelined and marginalized. They consistently claim to be under the category of tribes. These self-determined nomads strive hard to preserve their tribal identities in the midst of modern, cosmopolitan, commercial and globalized society. As a result they search for greater autonomy and even secession in order to save their distinct tradition, culture and identities.

This article in its final form will provide a comprehensive account of the problems faced by the Narikkurawar in the chosen area and suggest reasonable solutions.

I

Of 166 beach vendors formally interviewed in the Mexican tourist centers of Acapulco, Cabo San Lucas, and Puerto Vallarta almost half (49.4%) were in-migrant indigenous language speakers. Most were Nahuatl-speakers from the state of Guerrero (36.1% of the total sample, 73.2% of indigenous language speakers), though a small subset were Zapotec speakers from the state of Oaxaca (7.2% of the total sample, 14.6% of the indigenous language speakers). Some of the Nahuatl-speakers who vended their wares in Acapulco were seasonal vendors, returning to farm their plots of land during the low tourist, high agricultural seasons. Many of those from villages such as San Juan Tetelcingo, Guerrero, even those vending as far away as Cabo San Lucas on the Baja California Peninsula, returned to their villages to celebrate Easter Week (Semana Santa) annually or as often as they could. Othes, however, were more permanent or semi-permanent migrants with children born and raised in the centers of destination. This paper explores the migration patterns of indigenous vendors in each of the three tourist centers.

Everyday throughout Los Angeles, second-generation Yalálag Zapotecs negotiate and reframe their sense of identification as American, Mexican, Oaxaqueños, and Yalaltecos. They grow up listening to their parents that they are Americans citizens of Mexican descent because they are born in the United States and have U.S. passports. Instead of learning the language of their parents—the Zapotec, they are raised speaking Spanish and English. And, because they look physically like the Indios Oaxaqueños (Oaxacan Indians) and maintain certain identifying cultural practices of the Yalálag Zapotec people, mestizo Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans discriminate against them.

In this paper, I explore how second-generation Yalaltecos and the 1.5 generation (those born in Yalálag, but raised in Los Angeles) handle these definitions on their multiple identities and what it means for them to be a Yalalteco born in the United States. To approach to these questions, I focus on the perceptions, beliefs, every day practices, and experiences that inform their sense of identity in terms of nationality, indigenous ethnicity, assimilation into Mexican and American identities, and the socially constructed notions of racial identification.

LONG ABSTRACT

PROBLEMS OF MIGRATION AMONG THE INDIGINOUS PEOPLE OF JHARKHAND STATE OF INDIA

Dr. Sabir Hussain

State co-ordinator, M TALL Cell, JTWRI

Ranchi,Jharkhand,India

Abstract:-

The main aim of the present paper is to highlight the migration among the tribal people of Jharkhand.

For this collection of data made through a well prepared schedule and intensive schedule.

The paper highlighted period of migration, motivation force, place of migration and problem of migration.

Tribals are backward and exploited lot, in comparison to other ethnic groups of our country. Our tribal brethren, reside in such regions where one has to face a number of problems in going and coming. There is lack of means of communication in tribal areas. They have to face the problems drinking water. Even after 55 years of Independence, they have to use the dirty water of pond or tanks for cooking and drinking purpose. Even today, majority of tribals are struggling for their existence, as their economy in existence oriented. Most of them do not have the concept of saving.

Objectives:

The main objective of the present paper is to highlight tribal migration, middle men, problem of migration, motivation force and where and why they migrate.

Collection of data made through a well prepared schedule and intensive interviews.

Hypothesis:

1. Lack of avenues for employment is responsible for migration.

2. Economically backwards only tribal migrate.

3. Promises extended to the tribal labour by the contractors prior to migration are hardly kept.

4.

Evidences show that influx of illegal immigrants has been very sensitive issue around the globe. During last three decades Assam has experienced several ethnic conflicts due to the illegal immigration issue. Hence, this paper is an attempt to give an account of some of the issues pertaining to illegal immigration that is leading to several ethnic conflicts and human tragedies. The ongoing conflict which started on 20th July 2012 has already taken the life of about 50 people and rendered 406,000 people homeless, and brought the entire socio-economy including transportation into standstill for a week. Even some of the Medias have reported it as one of the greatest human crisis of the country. Despite the illegal immigration issue destabilizing the socio-political scenario of the region for the last three decades or so, the border with Bangladesh remained porous. Thus, the government of Assam and India are equally responsible for influx of illegal immigration. Further, some of the political parties are also patronizing illegal immigration to form vote banks. On the other hand, some of the partition refugees and illegal immigrants may be helping their relatives to immigrate to Assam. As anti illegal immigration movement in Assam is very common, immigrants themselves have organizations to look after their safety. Organizations having vested interests takes advantage of the volatile situation and often inflict ethnic conflict. So, unless illegal immigration is abated, the days are not far from next conflict and Bangladeshi out numbering the Assamese community.

Negative geterostereotypes concerning are lined up in the citizens minds of contemporary Russian big cities hierarchically. Least favourable stereotypes concern labour ethno-migrants from Central Asia, most positive stereotypes concern labor ethno-migrants from Ukraine and Moldova. Citizens attitude towards labour ethno-migrants is shaped under the influence of three factors. These factors are not realized by mass consciousness but effect public opinion as a block of stereotype ideas: 1) actions of authorities representing themselves as liberal-democrats but in practice lobbying the laws maintaining inequality of labor ethno-migrants (in juridical, trade and social spheres); 2) operating influence of Media: negative geterostereotypes are often implanted in the minds of respondents with the help of the language of animosity: literary clichés with negative connotations and generalization: "guest worker","tadjik-narco dealler", "Caucasian robber", "non-legal migrant", "Muslim terrorist"; 3) background phobias and feelings of respondents (unfulfilled national idea, pragmatic orientation of mass consciousness, social "asthenic syndrome" expressed in political nihilism). I suppose that Positive political will can help to solve the problem of conflict and negative attitude of the citizens in contemporary Russian cities toward labour ethno-migrants. There are no dangerous nations, but there are dangerous situations which are the manifestation of Nature, Ethnic and History laws. Most dangerous situations in cross-cultural and ethno affairs spring from political conditions.

Introduction:-

The main objective of the present paper is to highlight migration pattern of indigenous community of Jharkhand state and the impact of Jharkhand Tribal Development programme facilitated by IFAD, World Food Programmes and Govt. of Jharkhand, Welfare Department. Migration or shifting of the peoples have been universal on the earth in space and time, but there have also been migrations or transmissions of cultural objects and ideas which frequently have little relation with the former and these may be termed cultural drifts.

Objectives:-

To study migration in tribals along with its social and health problems. It will also provide the vital statistics of age, sex, literacy, migration, income, expenditure, economy etc. These fifugres would be helpful in projection the construction of the population and several changes accompanying there.

The present study is however as would be emphasized, pointed to the problems of seasonal or temporary migration and to the migrant workers only. However, along with the male migrant data would be collected about the female migrant from the same family of informant.

10% migrated tribal families or individuals in different blocks of West Singhbhum, Ranchi and Saraikela Kharsawan districts of Jharkhand will be selected as sample for the study. Data will be collected specially from those villages where action programmes of JTDS in progress already started.

Collection of data will be made through a well prepared schedule and intensive interviews.

The villages where programmmes are running by JTDP of the districts of Ranchi, West Singhbhum and Saraikela Kharsawan of Jharkhand State.

Fish and water, the natural resources of Lake Albert in Uganda, attract people from a wide range of areas—West Nile, the DRC, and Rwanda. I will focus on one multi-ethnic village, called R village, a fishing community located on the east side of the lake and belongs to Hoima District, the centre of the Nyoro Kingdom; hence, the locals predominantly constitute the Bagungu of Bunyoro descent. Presently, however, 80% of the people are Alur who migrate from West Nile and the DRC. and have multiple living bases during their lifetime. Moreover some family of Bararoo and Banyrwanda (cattle keeper) migrated from Kasese in Uganda and Rwanda If we trace their trajectory, we find that there are some patterns of migration.

From the migration patterns I am able to identify two social factors, other than economic activity. (1) Attraction of migrant labour to Buganda in the 1930s for the purpose of cotton & coffee plantation, and (2) Evacuation of people due to wars: the Mulele War of 1964, the Museveni Battle of 1984-85, and the Civil War of 1997-2002 in the DRC. All these migrations were motivated by the desire for survival, in order to pursue "sauce and space".

Although there is inequality of interface between the Bagungu, the Bararoo, the Banyarwanda and the Alur, translation is always demanded by people attending the public meeting. Here we can see the germination of interface between different ethnic groups, as they try to understand each other. I would like to say that this kind of cooperation, which appears through necessity, is a feature of this life-world. This is the occasional cooperative construction of spaces where people are getting together.

Nepalese, the focus of present study are the migrants who reside almost in every part of India. A large number of Nepalese began to migrate to the coal mining areas in the Jaintia Hill district of Meghalaya. One of the factors attracting them was the presence of coal mines that needed plentiful of labor which offered them with job opportunities. In Jaintia Hills 90% of mining is done by means of private ownership. Landowners have adopted a crude form of excavation that employs "rat hole mining" (narrow shafts dug). There is a loss of lives every year due to unscientific mining and also the continuous exposure to coal dust has resulted in a high prevalence of many diseases among these migrants. With this backdrop, the present paper will focus on the Nepalese coal miners who work as contractual laborers in private coal mines owned by Jaintia people, the dominant group in the area. The paper will also dwell on their problems not only connected to socio-economic life, but also the physical and social risks and dangers involved in their livelihood.

Yucatec Maya is a Mayan language spoken in the Yucatán peninsula. Counting more than 800.000 speakers, Yucatec Maya is generally considered a "safe" language. This perception, however, is not as self-evident as the high number of speakers suggests, given that the percentage of Maya speakers in relation to the general population as well as the rate of intergenerational language transmission is declining. Besides the dominant use of the Spanish language in public domains, the indigenous migration towards urban environments seems to factor into the proportional decline of Maya speakers.

Due to the agricultural crisis and the construction of the tourist zone along the Caribbean coast since the 1970's, growing urban centres such as Mérida and Cancún have been attracting Maya speaking migrants from rural areas of the peninsula. This process of urbanization has caused socio-economic and cultural changes in the once predominantly agricultural Yucatecan society. This paper focuses on the impact of these changes on the sociolinguistic situation of Yucatec Maya. The indigenous cityward migration affects the linguistic situation of the peninsula not only by causing urban migrants to abandon their language. The orientation of many Maya speakers towards the urban life might factor into the devaluation of Yucatec Maya and decreasing intergenerational language transmission even in rural areas.

Drawn from preliminary results of my fieldwork in Mérida and Cancún, this paper aims to show the significance of the indigenous migration for the language contact situation of Yucatec Maya and Spanish .

The self-declared indigenous population in Brazil is of 817,963 people, according to the Brazilian 2010 Census. In 2000, this population totaled 734,127, which within South America, corresponds to 4,16%. It is interesting to note that the average annual rate of the indigenous population growth between 1990 and 2000 was 10,8%, while the population in the whole country grew about 1,6% per year. Between 2000 and 2010 the indigenous population continues to grow, but at a much slower rate of 1,1% per year, while the whole country grew 1,2% per year. Many reasons can explain the expressive growth that occurred in this period: i) changes in the race/color question in the Brazilian Census; and ii) favorable conditions for the self-declaration as indigenous, mainly because of the recognition of rights by race / color. It is also important to emphasize that during this period Brazilian urbanization was also growing, as were as the number of indigenous people living in urban areas. What remains to be understood is the profile of the indigenous population in urban areas, both through the studied period (1991, 2000 and 2010), and the cities that this population lives. For that, we will use data of the Brazilian Census of 1991, 2000 and 2010 analyzing the brazilian cities that have the biggest number of self-declared indigenous people in urban areas: São Gabriel da Cachoeira and São Paulo. Finally, in this paper we will investigate, through the years, the characteristics of the self-declared indigenous population in Brazil and their relation with urban areas.

Forces of globalization have pushed the peasantry into informal income generating activities in Mexican cities, including tourist centers. Of 166 beach vendors formally interviewed in the Mexican tourist centers of Acapulco, Cabo San Lucas, and Puerto Vallarta almost half (49.4%) were in-migrant indigenous language speakers. Most were Nahuatl-speakers from the state of Guerrero (36.1% of the total sample, 73.2% of indigenous language speakers), though a small subset were Zapotec speakers from the state of Oaxaca (7.2% of the total sample, 14.6% of the indigenous language speakers). Some of the Nahuatl-speakers who vended their wares in Acapulco were seasonal vendors, returning to farm their plots of land during the low tourist, high agricultural seasons. Many of those from villages such as San Juan Tetelcingo, Guerrero, even those vending as far away as Cabo San Lucas on the Baja California Peninsula, returned to their villages to celebrate Easter Week (Semana Santa) annually or as often as they could. Others, however, were more permanent or semi-permanent migrants with children born and raised in the centers of destination. This paper explores the migration patterns of indigenous vendors in the tourist centers of Acapulco and Puerto Vallarta, and discusses the family legacy of vending.