DSA2016: Politics in Development
This panel will explore the various dimensions of the politics of low carbon development especially following the new Paris climate agreement. Specific aspects will include climate mainstreaming, adaptation and climate resilience, finance, justice and equity, human rights and public participation.
Low Carbon Development and cognates terms like green economy and climate compatible development, are all now popular terminologies in international environmental and sustainable development discourses. These concepts which describe development strategies that encompass low emission and climate resilient economic growth are based on renewed aspirations that economic development can be de-coupled from environmental degradation. However, while these terms have intrinsic moral and political appeal, interpreting, planning and implementing low carbon development implicates several difficult political issues within and between states. This panel will explore the various dimensions of the politics of low carbon development especially following the new global climate agreement signed in Paris in December 2015. Specific aspects will include climate mainstreaming, the link between climate change and sustainable development, adaptation and climate resilience, finance, role of non-state actors, technology, justice and equity, human rights, capacity building and public participation.
This panel is closed to new paper proposals.
Oil production: a blessing or a curse? The case of Sudan (2000-2013)
The paper aims to show how oil dependency put the economic diversity, energy security and economic stability of Sudan to the test. Assessing the drawbacks of oil dependency and its consequences when South Sudan’s separation happened, it discusses possible future options for a more diversified economy.
Since first oil production in 1999, Sudanese economy has experienced fundamental changes. These changes appeared in the form of the growth of non-tradable sector at the expense of the tradable one, the emergence of oil as the main source of country revenue and the sharp decline in other sectors production namely the manufacturing and the agricultural. Regarding the consumption the production of oil increased the surplus in trading balance and this led to the increase in country’s imports. Sudan was importing approximately all consumable goods.
By the time of South Sudan independence (July 2011), Sudan was perfectly oil dependent economy. The cessation cost Sudan 75% of its proven reserve and oil production. This represented strong shock for the economy and if we add the armed conflicts which erupted in many parts of the country we can say that Sudanese economy was on the verge of an economic crisis.
The purpose of this paper is to address the evolution of Sudan’s economy pre and post the production of oil to identify the impact of oil production and diagnose the Dutch disease symptoms.
The importance of this research paper is that there is a debate of whether Sudan had caught the DD after the production of oil. However it is clear that Sudan experienced intrinsic changes sine oil production. But the relationship between these changes and DD is still controversial. Thus this paper will discuss the period from 1970 up to 2011 to create a descriptive and comparative analysis to see if there is strong link between those changes and the DD mechanism of the natural resource curse. Also there is little information about Oil impact on Sudanese economy, thus this paper may help in filling part of this gap by highlighting this information and building sound argument around them.
The paper consists of three parts part one will include brief literature review about the natural resource curse and the Dutch disease in particular. It will also identify the methodology and the framework that will be used to investigate the problem of the research. Part two will discuss the evolution of the Sudanese economy and its main features and economic performance. Part three provides an investigation of the main symptoms of the natural resource curse and its consequences after South Sudan independence. The paper will also include a brief conclusion and recommendations.
Rethinking policy and practice for leisure mobility in a post-COP21 world
The COP21 Paris agreement offers major opportunities for a climate resilient global economy. Given that travel and tourism accounts for over 10% of global emissions, new policies and models are needed to enable the industry to meet the carbon challenge and politico-societal obligations
Leisure-travel and tourism (LT&T) suffers from the simplistic supposition that it leads to economic growth. This belief needs to be unwrapped within the context of climate change. To illustrate, whilst travel is deeply embedded in the social culture of the global middle classes, and the economies of the majority of developing countries rely heavily on it, environmental concerns - especially those about climate change - suggest this 'culture' ought to be changed. However, change may negatively impact the wellbeing and welfare of both tourists (seeking novel experiences leisure and wellbeing) and dependent communities (seeking environmental and socio-economic benefits) in the developing countries.
LT&T is an important yet complex topic in economic, environmental and socio-cultural terms. LT&T received some attention in the IPCC AR5, but comments were somewhat obvious (such as coral bleaching, risk to beaches and ski resorts etc.). Given its likely position as the world's largest industry, it deserves more nuanced consideration.
The paper argues for a better governance and policy frameworks that reflect the new realities of a post-COP21 world, and proposes a new model that approaches LT&T as a system with three primary elements: macro influences on tourism; supply and demand dynamics, ownership, oversight, and governance.
"Energy": the underplayed driver of deforestation under REDD+ in Sub-Saharan Africa
This paper argues that, REDD+ in Zambia has underplayed the contribution of energy deficits to the countries rate of deforestation and forest degradation thereby negatively affecting the potential of the programme to meet its central objective of reducing 20% GHG emissions from the forest sector. .
Classification and naming of drivers of deforestation and degradation under the UNFCCC REDD+ does not use the term "energy" to classify what I argue to be simply "energy driven deforestation". It rather disintegrates it into various uses of wood-energy: charcoal production, wood fuel consumption; brick drying; tobacco drying and as wood used in kilns by mines and industries. In fact these fragments of various uses of energy, are not considered as drivers of deforestation but only as drivers of degradation under the UNFCCC. The implications of this classification and naming, as observed during this study are that 1) the calculation of national deforestation and degradation rates has been significantly affected 2) the understanding of what the main drivers of deforestation and degradation has also been affected 3) the institutional design for addressing deforestation and degradation has left out energy institutions who in our findings are very critical stakeholders as far as addressing deforestation is concerned 4) the intervention strategies developed under REDD+ are skewed away from "energy driven deforestation" despite it being (according to our findings) the main driver of deforestation and degradation. Based on these revelation, we argue that unless energy is rightfully defined, categorised and included as a driver of both deforestation and degradation, there is little chance that REDD+ strategies will be able to achieve the central objective of reducing GHG emissions as expected by the UNFCCC.
The international politics of low carbon development
The paper will argue that without adequate attention, the concept of low carbon development could become part of a legitimating discourse to neutralize radical visions that challenge prevailing structures of global economic injustice.
Low carbon development and green economy are some the latest catch-phrases in global environmental sustainability discourse. These terms not only communicate new aspirations that economic growth can be de-coupled from environmental degradation; they also suggest novel ways of resolving intractable North-South disputes that have plagued international environmental politics for decades. This chapter will explore the normative content and transformational potential of low carbon development and the green economy. It will be argued that while these terms offer opportunities for progress, they do not represent 'golden keys' that will automatically unlock the doors to sustainable economic development for the South. In fact, there are grounds to believe that without adequate attention, the concepts could become part of a legitimating discourse to neutralize radical visions that challenge prevailing structures of global economic injustice.
Novel problems require novel solutions: exploring the prospects and limits of adaptive collaborative management (ACM) for REDD+
This paper explores whether Adaptive Collaborative Management (ACM) provides a suitable approach for designing and implementing REDD+ in Sierra Leone, and Africa in general.
One of the most significant current discussions in governing and implementing REDD+ is the extent to which local initiatives integrate diverse experiences, preferences, interactions and uncertainties facing forest-dependent communities. For this reason, in current environmental governance literature, the relative importance of Adaptive Collaborative Management (ACM) has been subject to considerable discussion, owing to its focus on participation and learning. So far, however, there has been little discussion about its value (prospects and limits) as a model for designing and delivering REDD+ in an African context. Unanswered questions coalesce mainly around how ACM enables and constrains both institutional and contextual factors that influence forest governance efforts and community resilience, which are crucial sustainability outcomes for REDD+. This gap is addressed in this paper by developing and testing a hybrid governance-learning framework, which distils the requirements for its achievement into a 3-step process, including: 1) assessing institutional influences on local ACM initiatives; 2) finding keys to community resilience in an ACM context; and 3) identifying key conditions (lessons) for operationalising REDD+ at a local scale. Combined, the current evaluation is useful for underlining new knowledge that demonstrates a connection between ACM and REDD+. Its novelty lies in the breadth of perspectives covered to show how ACM tackles current governance challenges, and meets (or fails to meet) expectations for governance innovation in a REDD+ context.
Climate governance in earth democracies: epistemic alternatives after Capitalocene (an Indian case study)
The present proposal focuses on climate governance and earth democracy in the Anthropocene through innovative templates of eco-communities and earth-centric modes of production as seen in alternative non-commodified ways of living, practiced by India`s indigenous population for centuries.
The present proposal reinforces the ideas of climate governance and earth democracy that ensure the sustenance of both human-animals and other non-human species through alternative imaginaries of eco-communities and innovative modes of production, affiliations and dignified labour and in doing that it draws on the findings of recent ecological disasters in the Himalayan ranges of northern India as well as on the corporate plunder of tribal lands through the optics of alternative non-commodified ways of living as practiced by India`s indigenous population for centuries. The Indian government in spite of having Green Tribunals and eco-friendly laws has failed to tame the tide of ecocide as mere law making in the absence of genuine policy reversals would have few results. Reformulation of climate policies, I argue, would have to premise on new formats of transformative eco-governance, eco-ideologies and alternative modes of productions. I intend to foreground such hidden costs of capitalo-production centric governance in India by exploring to see if new alternative organizational systems of Intentional Communities that work with the form of 'micro-philanthro-capitalism' could come to the rescue. In doing that my empirical base would be the tribal life world in Orissa which has witnessed corporate built up and privatization of natural habitats of the indigenous groups who practice a different life ethos that is more in tune with post-Anthropocentric demands for alternative non-reified templates of living and sustenance.
Justice beyond the politics of low carbon development: how the rights of nature can promote intra- and intergenerational equity?
Environmental rights are recognized in several national legal orders as well as in international treaties. Nonetheless, this progress stills limited by its anthropocentric perspectives. The rights of nature broaden entitlements and open way to create more protective standards at international level.
Nowadays, environmental justice movements struggle, in the courts, for a full responsibility to be assumed by multinational corporations (MNCs) that caused ecological degradation. There are many challenges to guarantee an adequate compensation and restoration of affected ecosystems because large part of jurisprudence focuses only on human consequences of damages as health and economic aspects.
Hence, these important measures are not enough to punish and oblige MNCs finance environmental restoration policies. In a non-traditional-westerner worldview, the Ecuadorian and Bolivian civil societies as well as governments propose the rights of nature to reshape juridical systems, mainly in cases where jurisdictional competences are cross-border. Access to justice and effective protection are a fundamental core to sustainable development agenda. Therefore, the recognition of nature as subject of rights is necessary to include indigenous worldview – for example, the Pachamama concept – and attend grassroots environmental justice claims.
Jurisprudence and national constitutions reveal general principles of law that are accepted as a source of international law (Article 38 (1)(c) of the Statute of International Court of Justice). For this reason, the Ecuadorian and Bolivian constitutions, as well as the Tribunal Permanente por los Derechos de la Naturaleza, are a path to complete the gaps existent in international treaties and strengthen deep social justice.
This panel is closed to new paper proposals.